College Make America Great Again Supporter

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explicate his entreatment to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, as many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'south political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined every bit a bittersweet longing for the past. Bear witness of Trump's appeals to an earlier time in American history accept been cited from the outset of the 2016 presidential entrada through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Swell Over again" entrada slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economical welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilisation (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a wide scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-wing populist party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within nostalgic messaging is what explains the link betwixt nostalgia and right-fly populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the U.s., several studies provide strong evidence of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more so even than voter'due south feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal assay of police reports evidenced a meaning increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this stop, in this paper, nosotros nowadays evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion singled-out from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice besides equally support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances pregnant in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often construction their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including past music, scents, and reflecting on by momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness function of nostalgia is a main artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to exist evoked while experiencing negative touch (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive affect, positive cocky-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of nostalgic memories is predominantly social, including recollections of shut others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a event of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more than salient i'southward symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and depression social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative effects of low social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more probable to experience nostalgia (i.east., those loftier in personal nostalgia) are also more than motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups equally a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Iv studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They institute that the link betwixt personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the feel of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more than complex when because nostalgia felt for 1's group. Although nostalgia felt at the private level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to have a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Grouping-based emotions, every bit singled-out from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions tin can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might experience strong pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling stiff pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Grouping-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can be experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.g., Course of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such equally a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college course), or sports championships (city). However, unlike individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia tin occur in the course of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did non experience, just rather one that was passed down through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, commonage nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes besides every bit an approach-oriented activeness tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced cornball memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 1). Collective nostalgia too tin can increase group-oriented prosociality (e.grand., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Greenish et al., 2021). Collective cocky-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective nostalgic event increased collective cocky-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other enquiry has plant additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of commonage political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, there are two sides to this money. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of collective political action was driven by anger and antipathy for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic memory (vs. an ordinary commonage memory) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Written report three). However, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate grouping (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of quondam Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to sectionalization and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more than contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (but not command ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is one type of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing as a denizen of a specific land, and is likely to exist associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just every bit personal nostalgia during times of modify and upheaval tin facilitate coping (due east.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's practiced onetime days—may increase felt closeness to swain natives during times of national stress or doubtfulness. However, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) likewise as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were non predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to exist associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This stardom between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one'due south ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial show has constitute that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's actual well-being, and typically include the domains of physical safety, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more than abstruse, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of ane'south ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more than economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus ofttimes inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, in that location ofttimes is overlap betwixt them, especially considering the demographic, economical, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats tin can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient gene in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat being evoked past larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable fix of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the US population was condign more various (relative to control weather)—that the percent of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies ane and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward not-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes potent feelings of social connectedness, also has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In dissimilarity, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking one's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to exist evoked in response to existential concerns almost one'due south group-based identity, and may have the beneficial effect of reducing feet by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey beyond 27 countries found that existential concerns almost the future of one's land predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in plough predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). However, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.k., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly truthful for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for case, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increment this fright of the hereafter, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the United states of america. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political problems associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of enquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any establish relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent piece of work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its office in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural reject (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often use national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy past emphasizing the aperture between a nation's past and nowadays (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke commonage angst virtually group condition (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content assay of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe institute consequent themes of nostalgia for their state's "glorious by" while denigrating the country'southward nowadays, as well as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the crusade of this discontinuity between past and nowadays, and b) increasing the country's strength and opposition to party opponents would render the nation to its sometime glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, then highlighting a potential scapegoat to arraign for that discontinuity, populist leaders offering listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-beingness past denigrating the outgroups believed to exist responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for correct-fly populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a stiff focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2016 entrada, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan'south 1980 slogan, "Make America Bully Again," and emphasized claims that the U.s. had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in part, to blame for this pass up (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to merits that Trump'south supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the United States. Get out polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to back up some of these claims, as White voters were the only racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of 20 percentage points (CNN, 2016)^two. Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important role in voters' choice to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels constitute that support for Trump was most strongly predicted past negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White U.s.a. citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this enquiry, the aim of our study was to direct examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric every bit well as increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique office of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping Usa voters' political attitudes. We thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the United States, of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (United states of america Census Agency, 2020).

The Electric current Study

Nosotros examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and beyond political orientation. Nosotros explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 US presidential election. We also examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous enquiry examined survey data taken around the fourth dimension of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 twelvemonth later on the election, assuasive u.s. to meet how our participants felt after President Trump had been in part for some time, and whether the cornball message of "Making America Great Once more" yet resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, most all of this piece of work has been conducted outside of the U.s.a.; thus, this research would explore the potential link betwixt national nostalgia and political attitudes likewise as study the phenomenon in the The states sociopolitical mural. In addition, we included a validated measure out of personal nostalgia in guild to improve examine the association betwixt personal and national nostalgia every bit well equally to appraise whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

We tested 1 specific hypothesis and 3 exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis i. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to be found betwixt personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question 1. Will White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Enquiry Question 2. Volition national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Enquiry Question iii. Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power analysis using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a small correlation of r = 0.09ⁱⁱⁱ with 95% ability and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 Usa citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified every bit either White or Blackness (57.9% female person, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from eighteen to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.4% Contained, 23.4% Republican, and vii.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 election (Pew Research Center, 2018); all the same, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making up 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we experience that our sample is an authentic reflection of the 2016 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized equally how frequently participants feel nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The calibration included seven items (east.m., "How valuable is nostalgia for you lot?") rated from 1 (Not at all) to vii (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), nosotros utilise a validated measure out of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Written report one) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the ground of one's national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from i (Very rarely) to v (Very oftentimes) calibration. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)^four to reflect American nationality [e.g., "How oftentimes practise you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to appraise positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the Land Functions of Nostalgia Calibration (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-beingness, self-regard, and overall positive bear on. Each detail was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits every bit they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of 16 items (e.g., "Thinking virtually the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Non at all) to v (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (e.yard., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The calibration was examined only among White participants. The measure includes 12 items (e.g., "African Americans hold too many positions of power and responsibleness in this land") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to appraise cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Blackness individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (eastward.g., "Information technology'south really a affair of some people non trying hard enough; if Blacks would just endeavor harder they could be just also off every bit Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to iv (Strongly agree) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Bourgeois). Participants also chose which political party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants and then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much practice you lot experience like we demand to 'Make America Great Once more'?" on a 1 (Not at all) to seven (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English language was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Indigenous Identity Mensurate—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to make up one's mind the axis of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of cocky. The scale contains such as "I take a potent sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each item was rated on a scale of ane (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) calibration.

Demographics

Participants last reported their gender, historic period, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all written report measures and items in the order described in a higher place. All responses were collected over a unmarried, 1 week period in the Fall of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attending checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more two attention cheque items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and cipher-order correlations are displayed in Tabular array 1. To test our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Procedure macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Post-obit these baseline models, we likewise back up our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the northward for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still above the target based on the power analysis).

Table ane. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.

Chief Hypothesis

We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the means previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In footstep 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In step 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more than pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political amalgamation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a meaning proportion of variance in attitudes above and across political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = ix.xc, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this human relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Effigy ane displays Path Model ane, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(ane) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model one, Hypothesis 1 was once again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Figure 1. Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question i

To appraise whether there was an clan between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × iii (Political Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, one = Black/African-American (shortened to Due west/EA and B/AA going forrard). Political party amalgamation was coded as 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and iii = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical dissimilarity. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 Due west/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that party amalgamation was the merely significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(2, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η² = 0.thirty, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = one.22) more than in favor of the president than their Autonomous (M = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (G = 2.27, SD = i.06) counterparts. At that place was no main issue of participant race (Blackness or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(1, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was in that location an interaction between political party affiliation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Figure two. Relationship between party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes past racial identity. Note. Error bars stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' Procedure macro v. iii.4 (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a significant higher-society interaction effect between political amalgamation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = iii.23, p = 0.041, R²Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple slope effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in indigenous identity salience amid White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (M = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more of import to them than their White Democratic [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; simple slope divergence F _{(2, 228)} = iv.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was found among Black/African-American participants; uncomplicated gradient deviation F _{(2, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main consequence of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was every bit every bit important to them as Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Blackness Democrats [b = 0.lx, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Blackness Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure 3).

Figure 3. Racial identity salience among Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Mistake confined stand for 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

We as well examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model ane) indicated that college racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but merely amongst White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = three.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.xviii, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a final examination of Research Question ane, a second path model (Path Model 2, Figure four) was compared with Path Model ane to once again examine the interaction between nostalgia and indigenous identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to note that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction furnishings (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was non significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and indigenous identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

Effigy four. Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Enquiry Question 2

We side by side examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured past the Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS) as well as perceived realistic threat measured past the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table 1). To further examine the link betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice, nosotros tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) with five,000 resamples. A significant moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ² = 0.05, F _{(i, 178)} = 19.sixty, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was not-significant at low levels of prejudice (those at least −one SD beneath the mean of SNS). However, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (run into Effigy 5). Interestingly, this event was found separately for both White [ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = five.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ² = 0.09, F _{(ane, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but in that location was no significant three-way interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), and then the results in Effigy five are displayed for all participants.

Figure 5. Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated past anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots brandish simple slopes at −2, −ane, 0, +1, and +ii SDs abroad from the hateful of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Inquiry Question three

Volition the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' Process macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational result might differ betwixt European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a significant indirect result of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.xv, 0.13).

Effigy 6. Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, chastened by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(2) = 65.lxxx, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect result β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect event on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect issue β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.fourteen, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Figure 7. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, too equally increased perceived racial threat among White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Blackness prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples exterior the United states of america (e.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a potent semantic connexion between Trump and its 2016 presidential campaign slogan, it also may bespeak to the entreatment of Trump'due south entrada—and its correct wing, populist sentiments—among those initially decumbent to feeling national nostalgia. To meliorate answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and identity.

Our first research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found fractional evidence for this thought, every bit Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. All the same, there was no show of a relationship between race and support for the President. At kickoff glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'due south messaging appealed generally to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly continued to their racial identity than Whites who identified every bit either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans besides expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further back up for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the majority group, White individuals typically are less likely to think of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly place with their Whiteness, equally a issue of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Nonetheless, there is an issue of causality, as these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more cardinal part of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with college White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may besides offering an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be so attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity discontinuity in gild to foment feet about the state of the country while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We establish that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was found among both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may take been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more than prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings marshal with prove that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in item, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging prove that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good old days" for their identity grouping—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging past evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness past evoking positive thoughts nearly the "good old days" when ane's grouping was perceived to be college in condition or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may raise feelings of continuity in its ain style, by assuasive individuals to feel connected to a fourth dimension in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries constitute that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging just non prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on collective nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, hereafter work should examine these questions via multiple methods, particularly longitudinal and experimental designs, which tin can place whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These information were obtained from a cross-sectional group of US Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are well-nigh generalizable to American middle-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are near generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United States, and future analysis of national nostalgia should continue to assess different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings enhance the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to become back in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Future research should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defense against perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia inquiry has been at the trait level. Further piece of work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow us to better sympathise how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should likewise keep to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The need for further enquiry in this surface area has grown substantially in contempo years, especially in low-cal of events such as those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the US Capitol Edifice in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned trigger-happy.

An additional question to exist explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his entrada. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future inquiry should examine the function of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when considering a multifariousness of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes every bit a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about ane's national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical cognition and schemas almost one'south group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America great again" and other cornball political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the US because minority groups have achieved significant advances in civil rights in recent history, and a call to render to a old time may imply a call for a return to a former and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future enquiry on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent inside nations with different histories.

Hereafter inquiry might besides examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stalk from realistic (due east.1000., economic) vs. symbolic (e.grand., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more than psychologically influential on voter support for correct-wing populist ideology, as concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the U.s.a. (likewise equally many other countries), further work in this area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should likewise exist expanded to await at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, faith, immigrant condition, social class, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to clarify attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this miracle has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the kickoff study, to our knowledge, to examine the US political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for ane's personal past—does not have the aforementioned associations with political and group attitudes, and but moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

At that place may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a past that never was; in this instance, an America that was not every bit white as some recollect. Nevertheless, these national nostalgic feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this study can be found in online repositories. All reported written report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open up Scientific discipline Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this report and therefore not listed in this study.

Ideals Argument

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, Ac, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and AC oversaw data collection and assay. AB wrote the get-go draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Disharmonize of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of whatsoever commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

i. ^We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 election (e.g., the part of the Black Lives Affair motion); yet, as our information were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 election in this newspaper.

2. ^Though a bulk of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton'southward favor by a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to use Black voters as a comparing grouping to the Caucasian sample.

3. ^The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study ii).

4. ^The authors would like to notation that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, every bit it was published but prior to the time this study was adult. However, the determination was made prior to data collection to utilize this validated scale as a more directly and statistically sound manner to mensurate the construct of national nostalgia.

five. ^Although structural equation models are oftentimes used to model paths among blended variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), nosotros opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large plenty to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

6. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is oftentimes considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.555667/full

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